A solution to 4GW - the introduction
We now have an adequate basis upon which to develop a solution for 4GW (at least, a “Mark I” version). Three recent books provide the last missing pieces of this puzzle:
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If We Can Keep It by Chet Richards (aka IWCKI)
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Brave New War by John Robb (BNW)
None of these are long (IWCKI is only 152 pages) or inaccessible to the general reader, as they are clearly conceived and well-written. These works build on the foundation of many other books and articles since the study of 4GW began (using an arbitrarily point) with publication of Into the Fourth Generation by William Lind et al (1989), and Martin van Creveld’s Transformation of War (1991) and The Rise and Decline of the State (1999).
We must define the problem before attempting to describe a solution. Thomas Kuhn described a paradigm as shared body of knowledge, definitions, and assumptions, allowing communication among workers in a specific field, and focusing their research on agreed-upon key questions. Modern war lacks a consensus on these things; hence the debate frequently devolves into cacophony. Even the “community” talking about 4GW lacks a tight paradigm, and the discussion seems to be fragmenting with the multiplication of war’s generations (5th gen, 6th gen) and criticisms — often quite valid – of 4GW as (in my words) a hall of mirrors. (See this post on DNI for more on the definition of 4GW)
This might result from the conceptual basis of 4GW having been ripped from the context established in van Creveld’s writings, without regard for the distinction he draws between the broad class of non-Trin conflicts and war (the latter being a subset of the former). Can we build a more-or-less agreed upon framework to facilitate discussion? (Paradigms are conceptual tools, not miniature versions of reality)
The Problem
This formulation is similar to that of van Creveld and Lind, whose works discuss these things in detail. This is just a sketch, to put us all on the same page for this discussion.
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The spread of nuclear weapons, slowly over decades, have forced the end, or least the diminution, of large conflicts between states - aka conventional war.
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Loyalty to the State has peaked around the world, and its influence declines (at varying rates) along with its role in people’s hearts and minds.
The above two factors results in the increased power of non-state entities, which have been suppressed since the Treaties of Westphalia legitimized the State as the only entity able to use force within its bounds.
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Multi-national corporations.
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Non-governmental non-profits organizations providing regulatory services (e.g., engineering standards) and charitable efforts.
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Religious groups, benign or inimical.
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Ideological groups, such as Marxists, radical environmentalists (note this example), and animal rights activists.
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Global crime networks.
Groups can combine along more than one of these affinities (e.g., the Mafia).
The increased power of these groups changes the nature of conflict on all levels: within the State, between States, between States and global non-state entities, and between non-state entities. Armed conflict can be conducted by non-State groups, both domestic and global. They can organize within a state or globally. Modern communication and transportation technology allows non-State groups to easily build global networks, greatly increasing their power and reach. These are non-Trinitarian conflicts (to be called non-T conflicts in this series), which break Clausewitz’s “trinity” of the government, the army, and the people.
Under the right circumstances non-State can defeat governments, partially or completely to carve out either …
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Geographic zone of control, as a successful insurgency creates or takes over a government.
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Social zones of control - Criminals establish a “social space” in which they can routinely operate, such as networks for prostitution, drug trafficking, smuggling, or money laundering. If their victory is officially sanctioned by the State, these become semi-autonomous societies. Europe might be seeing the early stages of this, as institutions develop to support and enforce Sharia for/on their Muslim citizens.
When non-T conflicts become struggles for control of large geographic areas (not neighborhoods) AND involve substantial use of force, we call them 4GW’s. In the words of Martin van Creveld (private communication) 4GW is a tactic (or body of tactics) used in non-T conflicts. So is crime. So are private acts of violence by super-empowered individuals (see BNW and Robb’s other writings for more on this). Although these three things can blur together, they are conceptually distinct concepts. Confusing them by calling them “war” can have bad consequences. This is one of the key contributions of Richards in IWCKI. .
One more thought on the consequences of broadening the definition of war to include things like crime, bombing of animal research labs and abortion clinics: war is a special and horrible thing. By describing so many other things as war we lose this bright red line and perhaps come to take it lightly. Like the soldiers marching off to a short but glorious war in August 1914, or the cheering young men running to enlist in the opening scene of Gone with the Wind. Perhaps we would have been more thoughtful about invading Iraq if we had greater awareness that true war is unlike wars on poverty or cancer. True wars involve foes who fight back, and the stakes can quickly escalate to everything we have, everything we are.
This series will focus on 4GW. For more on the broader category of non-T conflicts I recommend reading John Robb’s Brave New War. He describes the range of non-T conflicts and their dynamics, and links work on 4GW with the larger currents about crime and social disturbances. This is the first work in what I suspect will become a large and important school.
Background information
This note describes the assumptions and conventions to be used in the following posts, relying on the analysis of the books mentioned above plus the definitions of DOD JP 1-02 (the “DOD Dictionary”; pdf here).
This series also builds on my previous posts. Links or references are sometimes provided for those who wish to see the supporting reasoning, as this is not intended as a stand-alone document. Most of these posts will pull together ideas from many writers, attempting to fit them together into a larger picture.
Please share your comments by posting below (brief and relevant, please), or email me at fabmaximus at hotmail dot com (note the spam-protected spelling).
Solutions to 4GW, the series
- A solution to 4GW — the introduction
- How to get the study of 4GW in gear
- Arrows in the Eagle’s claw — solutions to 4GW
- Arrows in the Eagle’s claw — 4GW analysts
- Visionaries point the way to success in the age of 4GW
- 4GW: A solution of the first kind - Robots!
- 4GW: A solution of the second kind – Shawn Brimley has provided an example of a solution of the second kind with “A Grand Strategy of Sustainment”. It is good, but we need to move on; solutions of the second kind do us little good.
- 4GW: A solution of the third kind – Don Vandergriff is one of the very few today implementing solutions of the third kind.
With regards to: “Loyalty to the State has peaked around the world, and its influence declines (at varying rates) along with its role in people’s hearts and minds.”, it is important in 4GW to understand “alternative loyalty systems” (for lack of better word of art).
These loyalty alternatives may manifest themselves in such things as clans, militias, gangs, criminal enterprises, etc. They all are adaptive nature, seek security inwardly-locally, are people centric, often use low tech-high tech mixtures(IEDs and Internet), comprised of nondescript-”formless” fighters, and may transcend nation state laws & boundaries. “Alternative loyality systems” underwrite the 4GW insurgents’ anonymity which allows the bad actor to look and act like everyone else in the host population by blending in.Insight into 4GW “alternative loyality” can be gained form looking at the work of Sullivan and Bunker on 3rd generation street gangs.Looking at 3rd gneration street gangs and the migration of 4GE tactics, techniques, & procedures (TTPs)may of interest.
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Fabius Maximus replies: GI Wilson (Colonel, USMC, retired) is one of the co-authors of the seminal “The Changing Face of War” along with William Lind — and hence worth close attention.
Comment by GI Wilson — 12 March 2008 @ 3:58 am
“The spread of nuclear weapons, slowly over decades, have forced the end, or least the diminution, of large conflicts between states - aka conventional war.” I know that this is absolutely a mainstream and apparently well-founded assertion. But I have two problems, both based on history.
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We saw a long period of almost no large inter-state wars among “civilized nations” (aka in Europe) between the 1871 and 1914. Only some Balkan troubles and small conflicts around the rather less developed Italy. No European war involving Russia, UK, Germany (and I think also not France, Spain). The European post-WW2 peace period could in light of this be considered as not unprecedented and probably in great par the effect of exhaustion (Russia, for example, was bled dry and had few eligible men for its army till about the 60’s).
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The history of poison gas. Almost everyone expected that poison gas would be used in the next large intra-European war in 1919-1938. Horror visions of bomber fleets killing entire cities with poison gasses led to massive campaigns for gas masks for everyone. Albeit a potentially extremely deadly weapon (comparable to fission bombs if nerve gasses are used or the victims are ill-protected), it was almost not used at all in WW2.
These two historical observations cast doubts about the quoted statement. Conventional war among industrialized countries, even among nuclear powers, might happen. It might begin as proxy war with increasing involvement of supporting powers of both sides. It might be undeclared. But once nuclear powers fight each other in proxy countries (remember that soviet pilots flew Chinese fighters over Korea!) it might drift into conventional war between nuclear powers. And they might withhold their nukes in horror of the consequences, as it happend to poison gas.
Diminution - ok. But I won’t bet on not seeing any such war in my lifetime. I wouldn’t even bet that it won’t happen in Europe among nations that ar allied today in my lifetime. I am planning to life for about 50 mroe years.
reference: “No major war in Europe in the next ten years (?)” (17 August 2007)
Regards, Sven
Comment by Sven Ortmann — 12 March 2008 @ 10:13 am
“Loyalty to the State has peaked around the world.” I wonder if this observation can be better understood using the framework given us by the late Robert A. Heinlein, who graduated from the US Naval Academy in 1929, was promoted Lieutenant, and turned to writing only after a medical discharge. Heinlein described patriotism as the highest form of morality; first defining morality as “behavior tending to promote the survival of the species.”
At the lowest level, moral behavior is self-survival.
Next level up, one is loyal to, and does things to promote the welfare of one’s immediate family.
Next level: loyalty to a tribe, people outside one’s immediate family, but still a small enough group to know every member.
Next level: loyalty to an organization too large to know every member. (This, Heinlein called “patriotism”)
(Heinlein’s whole speech, given at the Naval Academy in 1973 as the Forrestal Lecture, is collected in his book “Expanded Univere”)
Does this help us to understand 4GW? We can see this as moving back down the moral scale, where loyalty is to a tribe rather than a larger group. We can also see what is going on as loyalty to organizations which are too large for all the members to know each other– organizations other than the State.
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Fabius Maximus replies: Heinlein’s view is an expression of the State at its peak. Why is loyalty to a State (e.g., Holland) benefit the species more than loyalty to a Universal Church (e.g., Catholic in 1300 AD, Islam today) or a trans-national ideology (e.g., envioromentalism)?
More useful in giving us perspective is Heinlein’s description of the “crazy years.” Reading the description of that time in his stories, it is clearly us — today.
Comment by Pete Peterson — 12 March 2008 @ 1:38 pm
I know that we have a lot of talk and writing about decline of state for many years. Did ever any neutral institution a proper scientific research on whether the thesis of rising non-state and declining state institutions is right? Something empiric, including the entire period of 1648 till today?
I’m unwilling to subscribe to this cornerstone of the 4 generations theory as long as my guts tell me that those people might simply be ignorant about too many historical non-state powers that had simply no priority for history book writers.
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Fabius Maximus: Of course there is no such research. To repeat a quote I’ve used so many times over the past six years, from David Halberstam’s Best and the Brightest”: “The elephant was great and powerful, and preferred to be blind.” To see my most recent rant on the need for better research on this new era of non-trinitarian conflicts: “Theories about 4GW are not yet like the Laws of Thermodynamics.”
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As for “those people might simply be ignorant about too many historical…”, I suggest you actually read these books before going there. Some of the people working on this are among the top historians of our time. For instance, Martin van Creveld’s publications on western history and military theory are imo not exceeded in range and depth by anyone in the past century.
Comment by Sven Ortmann — 12 March 2008 @ 2:55 pm
To follow up Sven’s comment: conventional wars
Ci>do happen between nuclear states: think of the Kargil conflict in 1999 (in which both India and Pakistan, armed with nuclear weapons, nevertheless fought a conventional war over a sliver of land in Kashmir). What might be at stake is the diminution of conflict, or at least limits to its scope: neither Pakistan nor India ever launched attacks outside the contested area, quite probably for fear of nuclear retaliation.
Similarly, you can also see a rise since the end of the Cold War in the use of proxy armies, particularly by relatively well-developed states with interests but not means (Iran, probably China in the very near future, Syria, Pakistan, and so on). This is meant to undercut the government, but it is done from a state-centric perspective.
There may be deeper issues as well. Ethnic nationalism continues to dominate global politics. And this is a bad thing: there is every likelihood the civic nationalism so many elites find terrible passe is, in fact, healthy.
Comment by Joshua Foust — 12 March 2008 @ 4:18 pm
I’ll add another book your 4GW list. The book’s title is “The Great Reckoning” and it was written by Lord William Rees Mogg and James Dale Davidson in 1991. They came up w/ a historical theory called “Megapolitics” which suggests that the costs of using or defending against violence are a factor in determining historical events. One implication of this was that as the costs of defending against violence decrease, the scale of government would have to decrease as well since it would no longer have a monopoly on the use of force. Granted, messrs Rees-Mogg and Davidson were using this for financial purposes, but their theory is an interesting one nonetheless and worth looking at.
Comment by BAC — 13 March 2008 @ 1:42 am
Did anyone ever think of the second-order effects of diminishing nationalism? I know I hadn’t until I read a truly fascinating piece in the latest Foreign Policy about the very positive effects of a strong nationalism. Among them: lower corruption, more rule of law, and generally more income. Simply accepting the degredation of a centripedal force with such positive outgrowths might quite possibly lead to a dimunition in all of those other factors — hence a major reduction in rule of law, a major uptick in corruption, and so on.
Ancedotal evidence suggests that is exactly what is at work in the developed countries. The Third World never really got the same order of social stability, so in a sense this kind of a sea change might in fact have a less drastic impact (meaning, its effect will be felt in the “First World” much more strongly).
Secondly, the bit about nuclear powers not engaging in conventional war is just wrong: Look at India and Pakistan. In 1999, the Pervez Musharraf started the Kargil War soon after both countries had conducted nuclear tests. Yet the conflict remained strictly limited to Kashmir, and neither country forayed into strategic bombing against major cities or govnerment targets. In fact, the history of India and Paksitan’s conflicts might be indicative of many future conflicts: despite decades of mistrust, poor relations, and repeated “small wars,” neither has, for example, taken any action to poison the Indus River.
As for non-state actors in the international system: it’s a tricky subject to tackle throughout history. States, as we believe them to exist today, are only a few centuries old. And non-state actors have historically been prevalent, from the Berber pirates of the late 18th century to the German mercenaries of the 19th. It really is the massive consolidation of power in the state in the 20th century that is unique; thus, threats to that system, and actors who do not recognize it, are so difficult to come by. We have collectively lost our ability to think outside the state box.
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Fabius Maximus replies: I think you have this backwards. By conventional war, we mean the real thing. Not skirmishes over Kashmir. The ratcheting down of conflict since both I & P got nukes — as seen in the “kargil War” — is evidence, not counter-evidence. Both have become more careful in their sparring, for obvious reasons.
Comment by Joshua Foust — 13 March 2008 @ 2:02 pm
The Changing Face of War, has received highly negative reviews at Amazon.com. Although I suspect that these reviewers, for political reasons, dislike Creveld’s thesis, the following litany of asserted factual errors in this book gives one pause:
1. pp. 48, “trench systems [in WW I] were completed by the laying of millions upon millions of mines…” [anti-personnel mines not developed until the 1930s]
2. pp. 103, “France never built or completed a carrier.” [the carrier Bearn was completed in 1935].
{#3 - 11 snipped}
This sort of comment gives me pause and certainly is the sort f thing that Creveld’s proponents should address headon.
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Fabius Maximus replies: I think you need to find a better source of information than folks posting at Amazon.
1. Every book has errata. For an opinion about the importance of minor errata by an author who was both a man of action and a scholar, look at TE Lawrence’s dismissive reply to his Editor’s corrections for “Seven Pillars of Wisdom”.
2. The ones you cited are mostly false or tendentious. The first is false; mines were used in the US Civil War – long before WWI. Histories of WWI trench warfare describe extensive use of mines. For more see Wikipedia on mines. The second is tendentious. The Bearn was launched in 1920 and commissioned in 1927 (not 1935; see Wikipedia). It was a converted battleship, essentially experimental, and barely functional as a carrier.
3. This list is too far off-topic, so I am snipping the remaining 9 points. Interested readers can go to the Amazon pages to debate these trivialities.
Comment by Duncan Kinder — 13 March 2008 @ 3:38 pm
Two quick comments - first, to Fabius, if you reference “Masters of War” (which I am reading), the author makes the point that even 4GW is Trinitarian since you still have the three components - the state, the populace, and the non-state actor. Even if the non-state actor is embedded within the populace, there is a distinction between the general populace, which must be agitated to support the state against the non-state actor.
To Sven, reference the poison gas - I would submit that the rationale to the lack of chemical warfare in WWII was not due to a “universal abhorence” or deterrence, but rather other reasons. The Germans knew that if they used CW, they’d be locked into a WWI trench warfare model, and they could not afford the slow-down. They seriously considered gassing Leningrad but couldn’t commit the railcars that were too busy with sending ammo and food - only reason why it didn’t happen. The Japanese really didn’t need CW, since their conventional arms worked so well, and they did in fact try BW on the Chinese cities (not too successfully). The Italians did use CW in 1935 in Ethiopia, but didn’t have any real incentive to use CW against the Allied invasion in 1943.
On the Allied side, the United States had a president who was very, very much against CW use (even though ironically the US military had the largest CBW stockpile in WWII) and the United Kingdom very much wanted to use CBW against the Germans, but couldn’t afford to piss off the United States and didn’t have the resources to divert to unconventional munitions.
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Fabius Maximus replies: Handel’s analysis of van Creveld’s work is a bit bizarre. If one broadens the definitions sufficiently, such as he does with “Army” to include any armed forces, everything fits in Clausewitz’s framework. Defining “animal rights terrorists” as an army — linked somehow to the people and government — renders the framework into an idle academic exercise. Nice, but useless. While van Creveld’s generates a wealth of practical insights.
Comment by Jason — 13 March 2008 @ 6:04 pm
Jason’s comment raises interesting questions on several levels, so I am lifting it out to its own post.
Comment by Fabius Maximus — 13 March 2008 @ 11:08 pm
This list is too far off-topic, so I am snipping the remaining 9 points. Interested readers can go to the Amazon pages to debate these trivialities.
I hope that proponents of Creveld do go to Amazon, and make their case because the current situation, which has seven negative comments pitted against only four favorable, do not help advance his position. I for one would appreciate some encouragement before spending money and time on his book. Answering these objections should be particularly desired by classicists, considering, after all, that refutation was a fundamental component of classical rhetoric.
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Fabius Maximus: As one who has burned time “debating” on forums like Amazon, I disagree. Not that it might be useful in some theoretical sense, but that it is a waste of time. This is the equivalent of discussing politics with strangers at a bar. Socrates never did that, so far as we know, because he was smart and knew that life is too short to waste.
Comment by Duncan Kinder — 14 March 2008 @ 1:43 am
The Changing Face of War is not Creveld’s best work. It’s ok. Nothing earth shaking. His upcoming book on War and Culture is his best since the Transformation of War. I’ve had a chance to read a draft copy of it, and it is superb.
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Fabius Maximus replies: I am glad to hear that about Culture of War. But Changing Face has value as a synthesis of his work — originality is not the same as utility.
Comment by Ski — 15 March 2008 @ 12:55 am
Agreed - it’s mainly a synthesis of Transformation and Decline of the State, with a few new chapters on the end that are new thought. Culture of War examines why man fights for reasons other than patriotism or for the state. Covers huge ground.
Comment by Ski — 15 March 2008 @ 4:15 am
The Changing Face of War does make a couple of points so explicitly that they are hard to ignore. The first is that in conflicts with a heavy moral overtone, that is, where attracting people is more important to the outcome than killing them, the side that is the more willing to die for its cause will have an enormous advantage.
It follows, then, that in such conflicts, you have to be willing to take more casualties than you inflict. Body counts, in other words, work in reverse.
Another is that in modern times, governments have options that occupiers, particularly from Western democracies, will find difficult to employ. They can use the “Hama” solution — unrestrained force against a minority in insurrection — and unless it drags on, justify it as being in the larger public good. We may be seeing a little of this in Tibet.
These are important points, and although they have been made elsewhere, TCFOW puts them right out in your face. To the extent they are valid, they explain a lot of our problems in Iraq and provide a warning against assuming that Iraq was just bungled and that there is a formula for doing occupations right.
Comment by Chet — 16 March 2008 @ 11:35 am
Interesting topic. I have in no way a definite pov on these matters, but would point to a few characteristics of the 4GW conflict that I find separates it from other types:
1) It is fought in the media-space as much as on the ground. This is, par example, why Hezbollahs rocketcampaign in 2006 proved effective. Not because of its military effect, but because of its mediaeffect. By luring Israel into a prescripted media-situation, it portrayed a skillful tale of David facing Goliath, with the rockets as its slingstones. This could be said to be first exemplified by the My Lai massacres. With Al Jazeera and the internet, this problem has become much more important.
2) A 4GW conflict is more about economical stamina than it is about battlespace dominance: An actor can have full spectrum dominance in all fields of combat and still bleed out economically. This seems to me to be the one issue of COIN and Iraq everyone is reluctant to speak about, how it is becoming increasingly impossible to make war for years on a freemarket laissez-faire budget.
3) The whole concept of democracy is ill suited for prolonged wars. Every non-state actor fighting a democratic force knows that surviving one or two election cycles greatly improves chances of survival and withdrawal of the dominant force. US responmse to this, to make the president into a sort of Warlord, is… interesting.
PS: “This is the equivalent of discussing politics with strangers at a bar. Socrates never did that, so far as we know, because he was smart and knew that life is too short to waste.”
Umm, wasnt that exactly what the symposiums were all about? ;-)
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Fabius Maximus replies: Thanks for the comments, but I disagree with all of them.
1. Wars have been fought in the media for centuries, so this is not a distinguishing factor of 4GW. John Adams’ defense of the British soldiers following the Boston massacre was a media event, widely followed and applauded in England. Media coverage was decisive in weakening the British will to resist in the American Revolution and keeping Britain out of the Civil War.
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2. “Economic stamina” was the decisive factor in both WWI and WWII, so ditto.
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3. “The whole concept of democracy is ill suited for prolonged wars.” I have seen no empirical support for this widely circulated theory. The sample set is small, as few wars (by anybody) last over 8 years. Two of the longest wars of ancient times were fought by the direct democracy of Athens and Republican Rome (the Peloponnesian and Punic Wars). The US fought in Vietnam for many years (perhaps over 8, depending on you choice of start and end dates), and none of the major Presidential candidates plans to end our current wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
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As described by Plato, Socrates drank and talked with friends, or friends of friends.
Comment by fnord — 19 March 2008 @ 8:43 pm